British cooperative to promote Palestinian goods over Israeli

Original article found on ynet here

British cooperative to promote Palestinian goods over Israeli

Retailers' cooperative sends letter to local manufacturers saying will not market products with any part produced in 'illegally occupied territories', but announces plans to promote Palestinian goods
Gali Berger, Calcalist

Israel's Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip has had its effect on local exporters, with Britain being one of the leading nations in this aspect.


The British retailers' cooperative sent a letter to the Carmel Winery distributor last week saying: Up to this day we have not taken any products containing significant parts manufactured in the occupied territories. From now on, we will also avoid marketing products with any part of their components purchased in the occupied territories.


Britain also plans to promote Palestinian goods. "We are opening commerce channels with Palestinian farmers in hopes of launching the first fair-trade Palestinian product later during the year," the letter said.


At the end of the letter the signatories, who stressed they had no problem marketing goods produced in Israel, requested an affidavit from distributors stating that none of the goods or any of there components were manufactured in the "illegally occupied" territories.


This is not the first time British unions wage war against Israeli goods. About a year-and-a-half ago the Transport and General Workers’ Union called for a boycott of Israeli goods as opposition to "Israel's conduct in the occupied territories".


The cooperative signing the documents contains over 1.5 million members.


Carmel Winery CEO Israel Ivzan said this was a sign of deterioration in ties. "The fact that they are promoting Palestinian products and campaigning for them is new."


Ivzan said, however, the letter would have no effect on his products. "The wines that we market all originate in completely Israeli territory. Our export to Britain stands at some 50,000-60,000 bottles a year, that amounts to NIS 1 million to NIS1.5 million, ($248,000 - $372,000)" he said.

Rockefeller Reform

From Racewire

Dropping the rock

This week, New York took a decisive step toward reforming the Rockefeller Drug Laws—the notorious mandatory-minimum sentencing rules that have driven the mass incarceration of people of color over the past generation.

Despite some marginal reforms in recent years, the state’s prisons remain packed with thousands of nonviolent drug offenders, many of them imprisoned for extremely low-level offenses. About nine in ten drug offenders in New York State prisons are Black or Latino, according to the advocacy campaign Drop the Rock. Reformers and civil rights activists have long criticized the laws as racist and inhumane, not to mention wasteful and generally ineffective for dealing with the social impacts of substance abuse.

The state Commission on Sentencing Reform has now officially laid out prospects for reform in a report that concludes:

“Community-based drug treatment, especially when required in a criminal justice setting where the offender faces clearly defined sanctions for program failure, works and should be an available option in every region of the state.

“The state’s network of existing diversion programs and drug courts has been effective for thousands of drug-addicted offenders, and any new diversion model must be structured so as not to undermine these programs.

“New York should adopt a comprehensive plan to provide statewide access to substance abuse treatment programs.

“New York must continue to reserve costly prison resources for high-risk offenders and make greater use of alternatives to incarceration for non-violent offenders while not jeopardizing the state’s significant gains in public safety.”

Yet the New York Civil Liberties Union criticized the report for not going far enough in opening legal avenues to community-based alternatives to incarceration. The group argues that more positive interventions would remain out of reach for many drug offenders because the proposed guidelines would:

"Preclude youthful offenders with certain prior convictions from diversion to rehabilitation.

"Require a 'certification of addiction' procedure that will result in a complex and costly factual dispute that prosecutors will always be better armed to win.

"Exclude from eligibility for diversion those who are not addicted but could nevertheless be better served by community based rehabilitation programs. Successful diversion models employed across the country and in New York State demonstrate that providing mental health, vocational and educational services offer the best outcomes."

But even if the movement toward an overhaul is not radical enough for many activists, recent shifts on drug policy in Albany's political climate have been unmistakable.

Reform measures have a better chance of passing this year, as Governor David Paterson has long criticized the drug laws, and in the State Senate, the new Democratic majority means less political resistance. The fiscal crisis now besetting New York and many other state governments may also convince policymakers that the government cannot afford wasteful incarceration policies under a budget crunch.

After decades of some of the most regressive drug laws in the country, New York may soon find itself at the helm of a nationwide wave of reform, as states—and even the federal government--realign drug policy in light of social realities, racial inequity, and economic priorities.

By Michelle Chen

Also - here is a link to a really interesting conference on race and the economy and how economic obstacles are affected communities of color disproportionately

http://racewire.org/mp3/raceandeconomyconference1_3.mp3

The effects of immigration raids on communities

I saw this clip on RaceWire and I think it is so important - not just to publicize the voices of the communities and individuals most affected by immigration raids and border patrol, but also to contextualize and humanize undocumented workers who are so often, as this kid says, criminalized.

This clip is in response to the May 12 Postville (Iowa) raid - the largest single workplace raid in US history at that point. ICE (U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement) detained 389 workers - 20% of the town's population. This action was followed by a huge raid in Laurel, MI where 595 workers were arrested in and another in Greenville, SC where 300 were arrested.



In this summer's issue of Colorlines, Daisy Hernández reports about the mothers arrested in this raid who are now raising their families under house arrest.

Moms Under House Arrest By Daisy Hernández

Most of the women, like Irma, have lost their husbands. Arrested, the men have been already deported or are being detained by immigration officials in prisons in Iowa and increasingly out of state. Irma is a mother. She used to do the things any mom would do—that is a mom who worked with her husband at a meatpacking plant in a small Iowa town: she would make their paychecks stretch so she could send money to Guatemala and also take her two boys, ages 9 and 11, to Chuck E. Cheese on weekends. But those days have ended. Irma is now one of 40 mothers in Postville, Iowa, raising their families under house arrest. The women were arrested in May, during the largest workplace raid at a single site in United States history. Most of them, like Irma, have lost their husbands. Arrested, the men have been already deported or are being detained by immigration officials in prisons in Iowa and increasingly out of state. Three fathers, who were arrested during the raid, were also released under the same condition as the mothers—that they stay in Iowa wearing an electronic ankle bracelet that allows immigration officials to monitor their movements. At first, it was hard to get used to the electronic bracelets, says Irma, whose full name is Irma Yolanda Hernandez Perez. She couldn’t wear it on her right ankle because of problems with her veins and she had to put a handkerchief between the device and her skin to avoid getting abrasions on her ankle. “You feel bad,” she said. “It’s heavy. You’re not used it.” The sigh is audible in her voice as she adds, “You get used to it.” Nearly 400 people were arrested during the May raid at AgriProcessors, the country's largest kosher meatpacking plant. The people were mostly Guatemalan and Mexican and many were parents. Luz María Rámirez, a spokeswoman at St. Bridget's Catholic Church, which is helping parents like Irma, says that the 43 parents under house have a total of 90 children among them and about 30 of these kids are U.S.-born. “They’re getting more rebellious,” says Irma about the children. “They ask about their fathers. They feel it.” She has tried to be as honest as she can with them, while not revealing her deeper worries about the family’s future. Her own husband is being detained in Louisiana and calls her collect. The women are now single moms. Like Irma, many do not have families in the U.S. and so they are now gathering at St. Bridget's Catholic Church every day. They live on the contributions that people are making and on the food pantry that’s nearby. They also have a support group with counselors from Des Moines. “Many of them are not eating or sleeping,” says Rámirez about the moms. Irma heard about raids in other small towns and cities. “I never imagined that the same would happen here,” she said. Irma migrated from Guatemala four years ago, making the journey with her husband and her two boys. She had worked in agriculture but it was impossible to feed her family and also pay the debts the family had accrued. She and her husband got jobs at AgriProcessors packing sausages, ham and cooked meats. The plant itself is notorious for its poor working conditions. Wages allegedly start at $6.25 an hour. Bathrooms are said to be limited. In March, the company was fined $182,000 for 39 state health, safety and labor violations. “It was the worst plant in the United States,” said Father Paul Ouderkirk of St. Bridget's Catholic Church, who toured the plant twice in the 10 years since he’s been in Postville, Iowa. On the day of the raid, Irma’s children were in school. She was arrested at 10 in the morning and spent the day worrying about her boys. A friend, however, had picked them up at the school and taken them to the church. Teachers had also taken students to the church. Irma was released by six that evening and reunited with her children. Today, the parents are in immigration limbo, waiting for immigration officials to make contact with them and hoping their pro bono lawyers will be able to reunite them with their spouses and allow them to stay. The immediate worry though is about food and shelter. Without assistance from the church and the donations made there, Irma said, she doesn’t know what would have happened to her and her two boys. But, she asked, “When the funds are gone, what’s going to happen to us?”

Immigration Detention Reform now on the "Front Burner"

New America Media, Roberto Lovato, Posted: Feb 02, 2009

Guantanamo Bay isn’t the only prison crisis that President Barack Obama will have to deal with. There’s another crisis growing - in the many immigration detention centers carpeting the interior of the country. Long ignored by policymakers because they make up the politically lethal combination of immigration and prison reform, calls for major restructuring of the immigration detention system may soon become unavoidable. The death of German immigrant Guido Newbrough in a Virginia detention center has pushed the issue to the front burner, helped along by incessant calls for change from advocates like Gil Velazquez.

“I went through that system. I was there. I could have died too,” says Velazquez upon hearing of Newbrough’s death. Velazquez, a recently released immigrant detainee from Oaxaca, Mexico who now lives in Richmond, Virginia, is looking for action from Washington. “I wish I could speak to Mr. Obama. I would tell him ‘They (immigration authorities) jail so many people and they don’t know what they’re doing. They have no right to let people die,’” said Velazquez.

His mobility and work possibilities are limited by the big black ankle bracelet that the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency is forcing him to wear until his hearing in June. He cannot leave his sister’s apartment in the evenings. But Velazquez does not let his undocumented status limit his freedom.

“I want him (Obama) to know that we should be building schools and hospitals, things that help people, not these prisons,” the very soft-spoken Velazquez declared in his most strident cadence as he took a break from folding flyers for a protest to halt the construction of another immigrant detention center in Farmville, where Newborough died.

Velazquez’s indefatigable efforts form part of a large and growing movement to put immigration detention issues front and center of any upcoming reform of the larger immigration system from the Obama administration. He and other critics of the system see the root of Newbrough’s death and a host of other problems –death from medical neglect, denial of habeas corpus and other basic legal rights, lack of sanitation, food and other basic necessities, violent and abusive guards, to name a few- in the exponential growth of the immigrant detainee population. It has tripled since 1996, according to ICE records.

Demands for a radical restructuring of the detention and deportation system have become the main message on the placards, press statements and posters of a growing galaxy of older and new advocacy groups outside the Beltway. Groups like the Detention Watch Network, an umbrella organization made up of immigrant detention advocates from across the country, report rapid growth in membership and actions since the failure of immigration reform unleashed an unprecedented regime of raids and incarceration targeting immigrants.

Fueled by what groups like Virginia’s People United, a multi-issue activist organization, are calling the “humanitarian crisis” in immigrant detention, Velazquez and others’ increasingly vociferous calls for changes to the detention system have also created a political crisis for supporters of the more legalization-centered approach to immigration reform favored by supporters of some version of the McCain-Kennedy bill of 2006-2007 which was also supported by then Senator Barack Obama. The failure of McCain-Kennedy, gave rise not just to exponential increases in the numbers of ICE raids (an average of 11 per day); it also gave long-ignored detention reform flank of the immigrant rights movement more motivated troops and unprecedented resources - more than a dozen reports on detention issues are expected in coming months.

Many new detention reform groups have arisen and established groups like People United have placed immigrant detention near the center of their agenda in the last two years thanks to the constant stream of sad and often bizarre detention stories. “I just spoke with a man being held in the jail where Mr. Newbrough died,” said Jeff Winder, a regional organizer with People United. “The man told me that they’re cutting even more services to save money. Less than two months after the second death in that prison they’re cutting heat, toilet paper, food and other basic services. He even told me that there are 30 lights on the ceiling but that only 5 are turned on. People are crowding under lights just to read.”

Winder also pointed to several recent events – a hostage situation in Texas, hunger strikes across the country, legal victories for detainees claiming they were physically and psychologically abused, other deaths in detention – as examples of the “scandal in immigrant detention we see every week.” The steady stream of bad detention news is forcing Winder and other activists to find balance in the optimism mirrored by the Obama moment. “There’s a real mood of hope in the country. The end of the horrible abuses of Bush is very important and historic. I celebrate that, he said, adding, “But I’m waiting to see what President Obama will do about creating really viable alternatives to detention.”

Asked about the alternatives, Winder cited a 1998 government-funded study by the Vera Institute of Justice. The study found that, with a battery of community services costing less than $12 per person per day (versus the national average of $120 per day for people in immigration detention centers) the government could drastically reduce the numbers of people in immigrant detention facilities. “Reducing the number of people is important,” said Winder. “But the more important question President Obama will have to answer why we have so many people rotting in immigrant prisons in the first place.”

Welfare Cuts

Seth Wessler

It’s Time to Rethink Our Welfare Policy

Earlier this week the New York Times reported that even as many states have skyrocketing unemployment, their welfare rolls are shrinking. As a researcher for a racial justice think tank, I’ve been traveling the country collecting accounts of how this recession is playing out in the lives of every day people. Millions who are out of work, losing homes and struggling to stay afloat are nevertheless denied access to Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). The punitive rules established after twenty years of racially coded frenzy to “end welfare as we know it” have left Americans with no safety net during this deepening economic crisis.

TANF replaces the old Aid to Families with Dependent Children program (to insert the “temporary”) and its creation relied on mythologized images of the “welfare queen” driving Cadillacs conjured by Ronald Reagan’s presidential campaign. This kind of racial scapegoating, the politics many believe we outgrew with Obama’s election, vilified welfare recipients (who have always been mostly white) and led to rules that are so complicated and punitive that many struggling families cannot get the help they need. Now that all of us – not just people of color— are in recession free fall, there is nothing available to catch us. To fix TANF, we will have to put aside racial stereotypes to do what is best for the largest number of people.

When Welfare Reform passed in 1996, our macro economic outlook was optimistic and the rhetoric of "personal responsibility" was ubiquitous. The welfare rolls plummeted and conservative and liberals alike declared success. But unknown numbers of families (we mostly stopped counting) were left underemployed, underpaid and unable to comply with punitive regulations. According to Robert Wharton, the president and chief executive officer of the Community Economic Development Administration, "Ten years into welfare reform, caseloads may have decreased, but the number of people living in poverty has not". Welfare reform set up countless barriers to access. The most egregious of these are punitive work requirements and 5-year maximum time limits for lifetime eligibility.

One of the places I stopped in my travels was Detroit. Michigan has the highest unemployment in the country, passing 10 percent last month. Detroit has been hit even harder. Yet, reports the Times, the state cut its welfare rolls over 13 percent last year. In Michigan rules, like those in many states, public assistance is tied to work. A 30-year-old woman I met, lets call her A, lost her job as a teacher's assistant in a Detroit area public school, and then lost her TANF because she was no longer working. Now she has neither job nor welfare, and she's facing foreclosure with her four children. I heard dozens of examples like this. People who couldn't find a job, or even a decent volunteer opportunity, without childcare, transportation, and more help than the new welfare system provides.

A society cannot survive without a safety net and we don't have one during the worst economic crisis in decades. TANF needs serious reconsideration including a rescinding of punitive work requirements and an end to the time limits that cut people off after 5 years total enrollment. We need to ensure that families have access to supplementary benefits like food stamps, fully subsidized child care, transportation and housing assistance and we need to remove debilitating eligibility requirements that exclude many documented immigrants and people with past involvement with the criminal justice system. To do these things Americans have to be willing to move past their racial stereotypes about people of color and welfare.

The country recently came together in a proud moment to inaugurate our first president of color. We did so by putting our racial divisions aside in the name of collective economic self-interest. Now we need to do the same by rebuilding a system of support for everyone.

The Economy and its Impacts

Obviously the economy is a key issue right now with the stimulus package in the works and all sorts of social services being cut first in city and state budgets. This article demystifies what's going on in terms of how the US economic downturn is affecting the countries whose economies depend on remittances coming in from the United States. The point that what happens here affects millions of other people, is powerful in and of itself.

Who's Hurting Now?

By Francis Calpotura, Founder & Director, Transnational Institute for Grassroots Research and Action (TIGRA)

Recently, we’ve seen a few articles about the impact of the economic crisis on the amount of money that our families send back home. It mostly tells a tale of falling remittances due to economic hardship, but fails to capture the whole story. Here’s the real scoop:

#1: THERE HAS BEEN A SLOWDOWN IN LEVEL OF REMITTANCES IN 2008, BUT NOT AS MUCH AS EVERYONE SEEMS TO CLAIM.
• Remittances to the global South (“developing countries”) is $283 billion in 2008 compared to $265 billion in 2007, an increase of 7%. The World Bank is predicting a decrease of 0.9% in 2009, but will increase again by 6% in 2010.
• Overall, there is a 1.5% increase for Latin America & the Caribbean in 2008 totaling $67.5 billion. The most affected in the region are Mexico (decrease of 2% in 2008, and Ecuador about 7%). But the rest of Latin America experienced an increase in 2008, but not as big as previous years.
• Remittances are slowing but still is very robust outside of Latin America, with increases in Kenya (11%), Philippines (18%), Pakistan (18%), and Bangladesh (36%).

#2: There are several reasons for the resilience of remittance flows during economic downturns. (a) Remittances are sent by the cumulative flows of migrants over the years, not only by the new migrants of the past few. This makes it persistent over a longer period of time. Remittances will only stop growing if migration stops over the course of a decade or so. And that's not what's happening. For example, the Philippines sent out 1.4 million workers overseas in 2008, a whopping 28% increase over 2007! The thunder of footsteps leaving countries will continue. (b) Remittances are a relatively small part of migrants' incomes (10-30% in most cases), so they can continue to send even when hit by economic shock with their savings, etc. and (c) Remittances are economic responsibilities of migrants to their families and will not cease even under extreme economic duress because their loved ones depend on them. HOWEVER, WE CANNOT OVERLOOK THE FACT THAT (IM)MIGRANTS ARE ONE OF THE MOST HARDEST HIT BY THE ECONOMIC DOWNTURN. PEOPLE ARE HURTING, AND WILL CONTINUE TO SACRIFICE IN ORDER TO SUPPORT THEIR FAMILIES.

#3: BUT WHO'S NOT HURTING? Western Union enjoyed another banner year of profit during 2008; WU's revenues increased by 10% from 2007, making almost $5.4 billion dollars. The second largest remittance company, MoneyGram International, enjoyed an 18% increase in profit in 2008 over the previous year. Both are projecting higher profits again in 2009, EVENTHOUGH EVERYONE'S PREDICTING A DROP IN OVERALL REMITTANCES WORLDWIDE.

Once again, these companies are making obscene profits at a time of economic pain for families worldwide.

So, the next time you see another article in your local paper about the impact of the economic crisis on remittances, use these data to write an op-ed that asks companies like Western Union and MoneyGram International to do their share in this economically-challenging times to lower their prices and reinvest in communities.

Solidarity and Unity in Opposing the 2010 Olympics

From Uppingtheanti

The Olympics Resistance Network is a space to coordinate anti-colonial and
anti-capitalist efforts against the 2010 Games within Vancouver, Coast
Salish Territories. Our organizing is based on the recognition that the
Olympics is taking place on unceded Native land, and exists to create a
movement for all anti capitalist, Indigenous, anti poverty, labour,
migrant justice, housing, environmental justice, civil libertarian, anti
war, and anti colonial activists to join forces. We come together on the
basis of anti-oppression principles and with a respect for diversity of
tactics. In addition to building ongoing educational and resistance
efforts, we are working towards a convergence between February 10th-15th
2010, based on the call by the Indigenous Peoples Gathering in Sonora,
Mexico to boycott the Games.

We recognize that we, the Olympics Resistance Network, represent part of a
wider movement opposing the 2010 Olympics. Therefore this statement aims
to encourage solidarity and unity amongst the diverse groups, communities,
and movements who are opposed to and/or critical of the 2010 Winter
Olympics.

The negative effects of the upcoming 2010 Winter Games are already quite
clear:

- Expansion of sport tourism and resource extraction on Indigenous lands.
There are over $5 billion worth of resort plans since the Olympic bid,
despite significant grassroots Indigenous opposition for example around
Kamloops and Mount Currie. According to the Native Youth Movement, “The
Olympics opens up our land, our sacred sites, and our medicine grounds to
big corporations, but we want them to know that our land is not for sale.”

- Increasing homelessness and gentrification of poor neighbourhoods
especially Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. It is projected that the number
of homeless in Vancouver will triple from 1000 homeless people since the
Olympic bid in 2003 to over 3200 people by 2010. According to a report by
the Geneva-based Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, the Olympic Games
have displaced more than two million people around the world over the last
20 years.

- Unprecedented destruction of the environment. This includes massive
deforestation in the Callaghan Valley to build the Whistler Olympic
Center, clearcuts of Cypress Mountain which is a designated 2010 venue
location; massive sand and gravel mining operations to build construction
materials; and the destruction of Eagleridge Bluffs due to the Sea-to-Sky
Highway construction. In 2007, 71-year old Pacheedaht elder Harriet
Nahanee and 78-year old environmentalist Betty Krawcyzk were two of the
arrestees at a blockade opposing construction at Eagleridge Bluffs.
Harriet Nahanee contracted pneumonia at the Surrey Pre-Trial Center. She
died a few days later, while hospitalized, on Feb. 24, 2007.

- More privatization of public services and ballooning public debt. The
total cost for 2010 and related construction will be close to $6 billion,
with Olympic venues alone costing over $4.5 billion. For example,
taxpayers are on the hook for $875 million for the 2010 Olympic Athletes
Village’s construction costs alone.

- Union busting through imposed contracts and vulnerable working
conditions especially for migrant labour. There are an estimated
3,000-5,000 temporary migrant and undocumented workers in the
Olympics-fuelled and speculation-driven construction industry that are
prone to hyper-exploitation and are vulnerable given their lack of full
legal status.

- Increased funding (up to $1 billion) for the police, military, and
border control agents in the name of so-called national security.
Sociologist David Lyon has dubbed Vancouver 2010 "the Surveillance Games"
since security operations will include over 13,000 RCMP, military & other
security personnel as well as joint US-Canada military & North American
Aerospace Defence Command operations.

- Criminalization of the poor. Former Mayor Sam Sullivan has written “I
believe we have a tremendous opportunity to use the upcoming 2010 Games as
a catalyst to [solve public disorder problems].” Plans to “cleanse” the
city’s core of the poor include increased funding for private security
initiatives such as the Downtown Ambassadors; passing of the Safe Streets
Act which prohibits sitting or lying down on city sidewalks; banning
dumpsters from the downtown core; and more.

Given this devastating reality, we are aware that there is wide-spread
opposition to the 2010 Winter Olympics. This ranges from those who are
opposing the negative impacts of the Games to those who seek to boycott
the Games; from those who desire to raise public awareness about the Games
to those who choose to engage in direct action against the Games and its
sponsors; from those who are concerned about single issues surrounding the
Games to those who are concerned about the overall impact of the Games.

Despite our differences in analysis and strategies we believe we have a
significant opportunity to come together and voice our opposition to the
2010 Olympic Games. This statement of unity does not call for us to fully
agree or stand by each other’s tactics or ideas, although we believe we
have much to learn and understand from one another. Rather, this statement
calls for a basic unity in expressing our critique of the 2010 Olympics
Games and committing to finding ways to work and support each other in our
complementary efforts to expose this two-week circus and the oppression it
represents to so many communities and sectors.

Leading up to the 2010 Olympics, police and security forces already have
and will continue to surveil, target, infiltrate, repress, and attempt to
divide our movement (http://www.no2010.com/node/614). We realize that we
may have many differences in analysis and tactics and such disagreements
are healthy. However we believe such debates should remain internal and we
should refrain from publicly denouncing or marginalizing one another
especially to mainstream media and law enforcement. In particular, we
should avoid characterizations such as “bad” or “violent” protestors. We
respectfully request that all those in opposition to the 2010 Olympics
maintain our collective and unified commitment to social justice and
popular mobilization efforts in the face of massive attempts to divide us.

Please share this statement with others. We ask that if you group agrees
with this statement and the basic principles outlined within it, to please
email your endorsement to olympicresistance@riseup.net.

In solidarity, Olympics Resistance Network.

Endorsed by 2010 Watch, Alliance for People's Health, Anarchist Blackcross
Melbourne, Anti Poverty Committee, AntiWar @ Laurier, Christian Radical,
Community Solidarity Coalition (Victoria), Edmonton Small Press
Association, F.ck off and Dance, Free Lex Wotton - Australia, Gerald and
Maas Inc, Grandview Woodlands Area Council, Healing the Earth Radio,
Indigenous Action Movement, Indigenous Peace Education, Indigenous Peoples
Solidarity Movement-Guelph, Industrial Workers of the World, Joey Only
Outlaw Band, Native 2010 Resistance, Native Youth Movement, No2010.com,
No2010 Victoria, No One Is Illegal-Ottawa, No One Is Illegal-Toronto, No
One Is Illegal-Vancouver, Oil Sands Truth, Ontario Coalition Against
Poverty, Rising Tide North America, Simon Fraser Public Interest Research
Group, Sound Resistance Radio, St'at'imc NYM, Stratford Action For
Equality, Sudbury Against War and Occupation, Teaching Support Staff Union
Social Justice Committee, The Grey Tigers Seniors Group, UBC Colour
Connected Against Racism, Vancouver Island Community Forest Action
Network, Vancouver Status of Women, Warrior Publications, Wild Earth, Work
Less Party.